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Fiore de'i Liberi

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Fiore Furlano de’i Liberi

This master with a forked bear appears sporadically throughout both the Getty and Pisani Dossi mss., and may be a representation of Fiore himself.
Born 1340s
Cividale del Friuli, Friuli
Died after 1420
France (?)
Relative(s) Benedetto de’i Liberi
Occupation
Nationality Friulian
Patron
  • Gian Galeazzo Visconti (?)
  • Niccolò III d’Este (?)
Influences
Influenced Philippo di Vadi
Genres
Language
Notable work(s) The Flower of Battle
Manuscript(s)
Concordance by Michael Chidester
Translations
Concordance.jpg

Fiore Furlano de’i Liberi de Cividale d’Austria (Fiore delli Liberi, Fiore Furlano, Fiore de Cividale d’Austria; ca. 1340s - 1420s[1]) was a late 14th century knight, diplomat, and itinerant fencing master. He was born in Cividale del Friuli, a town in the Patriarchal State of Aquileia (in the Friuli region of modern-day Italy), the son of Benedetto and scion of a Liberi house of Premariacco.[2][3][4] The term Liberi, while potentially merely a surname, more probably indicates that his family had Imperial immediacy (Reichsfreiheit), either as part of the nobili liberi (Edelfrei, "free nobles"), the Germanic unindentured knightly class which formed the lower tier of nobility in the Middle Ages, or possibly of the rising class of Imperial Free Knights.[5][6][7] It has been suggested by various historians that Fiore and Benedetto were descended from Cristallo dei Liberi of Premariacco, who was granted immediacy in 1110 by Holy Roman Emperor Henry V,[8][9][10] but this has yet to be confirmed.[11]

Fiore wrote that he had a natural inclination to the martial arts and began training at a young age, ultimately studying with “countless” masters from both Italic and Germanic lands.[2][3][4] He had ample opportunity to interact with both, being born in the Holy Roman Empire and later traveling widely in the northern Italian states. Unfortunately, not all of these encounters were friendly: Fiore wrote of meeting many “false” or unworthy masters in his travels, most of whom lacked even the limited skill he'd expect in a good student.[4] He further mentions that on five separate occasions he was forced to fight duels for his honor against certain of these masters who he described as envious because he refused to teach them his art; the duels were all fought with sharp longswords, unarmored except for gambesons and chamois gloves, and he won each without injury.[2][3]

Writing very little on his own career as a commander and master at arms, Fiore laid out his credentials for his readers in other ways. He stated that foremost among the masters who trained him was one Johane dicto Suueno, who he notes was a disciple of Nicholai de Toblem;[4] unfortunately, both names are given in Latin so there is little we can conclude about them other than that they were probably among the Italians and Germans he alludes to, and that one or both were well known in Fiore's time. He further offered an extensive list of the famous condottieri that he trained, including Piero Paolo del Verde (Peter von Grünen),[12] Niccolo Unricilino (Nikolo von Urslingen),[13] Galeazzo Cattaneo dei Grumelli (Galeazzo Gonzaga da Mantova),[14] Lancillotto Beccaria di Pavia,[15] Giovannino da Baggio di Milano,[16] and Azzone di Castelbarco,[17] and also highlights some of their martial exploits.[2][3]

Based on Fiore's autobiographical account, he can tentatively be placed in Perosa (Perugia) in 1381 when Piero del Verde likely fought a duel with Pietro della Corona (Peter Kornwald).[18] That same year, the Aquileian War of Succession erupted as a coalition of secular nobles from Udine and surrounding cities sought to remove the newly appointed Patriarch, Philippe II d'Alençon. Fiore seems to have sided with the secular nobility against the Cardinal as in 1383 there is record of him being tasked by the grand council with inspection and maintenance on the artillery pieces defending Udine (including large crossbows and catapults).[6][19][20] There are also records of him working variously as a magistrate, peace officer, and agent of the grand council during the course of 1384, but after that the historical record is silent. The war continued until a new Patriarch was appointed in 1389 and a peace settlement was reached, but it's unclear if Fiore remained involved for the duration. Given that he appears in council records five times in 1384, it would be quite odd for him to be completely unmentioned over the subsequent five years,[6][21] and since his absence after May of 1384 coincides with a proclamation in July of that year demanding that Udine cease hostilities or face harsh repercussions, it seems more likely that he moved on.

After the war, Fiore seems to have traveled a good deal in northern Italy, teaching fencing and training men for duels. In 1395, he can be placed in Padua training the mercenary captain Galeazzo Gonzaga of Mantua for a duel with the French marshal Jean II le Maingre (who went by the war name “Boucicaut”). Galeazzo made the challenge when Boucicaut called into question the valor of Italians at the royal court of France, and the duel was ultimately set for Padua on 15 August. Both Francesco Novello da Carrara, Lord of Padua, and Francesco Gonzaga, Lord of Mantua, were in attendance. The duel was to begin with spears on horseback, but Boucicaut became impatient and dismounted, attacking Galeazzo before he could mount his own horse. Galeazzo landed a solid blow on the Frenchman’s helmet, but was subsequently disarmed. At this point, Boucicaut called for his poleaxe but the lords intervened to end the duel.[22][20][14]

Fiore surfaces again in Pavia in 1399, this time training Giovannino da Baggio for a duel with a German squire named Sirano. It was fought on 24 June and attended by Gian Galeazzo Visconti, Duke of Milan, as well as the Duchess and other nobles. The duel was to consist of three bouts of mounted lance followed by three bouts each of dismounted poleaxe, estoc, and dagger. They ultimately rode two additional passes and on the fifth, Baggio impaled Sirano’s horse through the chest, slaying the horse but losing his lance in the process. They fought the other nine bouts as scheduled, and due to the strength of their armor (and the fact that all of the weapons were blunted), both combatants reportedly emerged from these exchanges unharmed.[16][23]

Fiore was likely involved in at least one other duel that year, that of his final student Azzone di Castelbarco and Giovanni degli Ordelaffi, as the latter is known to have died in 1399.[24] After Castelbarco’s duel, Fiore’s activities are unclear. Based on the allegiances of the nobles that he trained in the 1390s, he seems to have been associated with the ducal court of Milan in the latter part of his career.[20] Some time in the first years of the 1400s, Fiore composed a fencing treatise in Italian and Latin called "The Flower of Battle" (rendered variously as Fior di Battaglia, Florius de Arte Luctandi, and Flos Duellatorum). The briefest version of the text is dated to 1409 and indicates that it was a labor of six months and great personal effort;[4] as evidence suggests that two longer versions were composed some time before this,[25] we may assume that he devoted a considerable amount of time to writing during this decade.

Beyond this, nothing certain is known of Fiore's activities in the 15th century. Francesco Novati and D. Luigi Zanutto both assume that some time before 1409 he accepted an appointment as court fencing master to Niccolò III d’Este, Marquis of Ferrara, Modena, and Parma; presumably he would have made this change when Milan fell into disarray in 1402, though Zanutto went so far as to speculate that he trained Niccolò for his 1399 passage at arms.[26] However, while two surviving copies of "the Flower of Battle" are dedicated to the marquis, it seems more likely that the manuscripts were written as a diplomatic gift to Ferrara from Milan when they made peace in 1404.[23][20] C. A. Blengini di Torricella stated that late in life he made his way to Paris, France, where he could be placed teaching fencing in 1418 and creating a copy of a fencing manual located there in 1420. Though he attributes these facts to Novati, no publication verifying them has yet been located.[27] The time and place of Fiore's death remain unknown.

Despite the depth and complexity of his writings, Fiore de’i Liberi does not seem to have been a very significant master in the development of Italian fencing. That field was instead dominated by the tradition of his near-contemporary the Bolognese master Filippo di Bartolomeo Dardi. Even so, there are a number of later treatises which bear strong resemblance to his work, including the writings of Philippo di Vadi and Ludwig VI von Eyb. This may be due to the direct influence of Fiore or his writings, or it may instead indicate that the older tradition of Johane and Nicholai survived and spread outside of his direct line.

Treatise

Four illuminated manuscript copies of this treatise are currently known to exist (as well as a 17th century fragment), and there are records of at least two others whose current locations are unknown.[28] The MS Ludwig XV 13 and the Pisani Dossi MS are both dedicated to Niccolò III d'Este and state that they were written at his request and according to his design. The MS M.383, on the other hand, lacks a dedication and claims to have been laid out according to his own intelligence while the MSS Latin 11269 lost any dedication it might have had along with its prologue. Each of the extant copies of the Flower of Battle follows a distinct order, though both of these pairs contain strong similarities to each other in order of presentation. In addition, Philippo di Vadi's manuscript from the 1480s, whose second half is essentially a redaction of the Flower of Battle, provides a valuable fifth point of reference when considering Fiore's teachings.

The major sections of the work include: abrazare or grappling; daga, including both unarmed defenses against the dagger and plays of dagger against dagger; spada a un mano, the use of the sword in one hand (also called "the sword without the buckler"); spada a dui mani, the use of the sword in two hands; spada en arme, the use of the sword in armor (primarily techniques from the shortened sword); azza, plays of the poleaxe in armor; lancia, spear and staff plays; and mounted combat (including the spear, the longsword, and mounted grappling). Brief bridging sections serve to connect each of these, covering such topics as bastoncello, or plays of a small stick or baton against unarmed and dagger-wielding opponents; plays of longsword vs. dagger; plays of staff and dagger and of two clubs and a dagger; and the use of the chiavarina against a man on horseback.

The format of instruction is largely consistent across all copies of the treatise. Each section begins with a group of Masters (or Teachers), figures in golden crowns who each demonstrate a particular guard for use with their weapon. These are followed by a master called "Remedio" (remedy) who demonstrates a defensive technique against some basic attack (usually how to use one of the listed guards to defend), and then by his various Scholars (or Students), figures wearing golden garters on their legs who demonstrate iterations and variations of this remedy. After the scholars there is typically a master called "Contrario" (counter), wearing both crown and garter, who demonstrates how to counter the master's remedy (and those of his scholars), who is likewise sometimes followed by his own scholars in garters. In rare cases, a fourth type of master appears called "Contra-Contrario" (counter-counter), who likewise wears the crown and garter and demonstrates how to defeat the master's counter. Some sections feature multiple master remedies or master counters, while some have only one. There are also many cases in which an image in one manuscript will only feature a scholar's garter where the corresponding image in another also includes a master's crown. Depending on the instance, this may either be intentional or merely an error in the art.

The concordance below includes Zeno's transcription of the Getty preface for reference, and then drops the (thereafter empty) column in favor of a second image column for the main body of the treatise. Generally only the right-side image column will contain illustrations—the left-side column will only contain additional content when when the text describes an image that spans the width of the page in the manuscripts, or when there are significant discrepancies between the available illustrations (in such cases, they sometimes display two stages of the same technique and will be placed in "chronological" order if possible). There are likewise two translation columns, with the the two manuscripts dedicated to Niccolò on the left and the two undedicated manuscripts on the right; in both columns, the short text of the PD and Paris will come first, followed by the longer paragraphs of the Getty and Morgan.

Additional Resources

References

  1. This estimated birth date is derived from Fiore's statement that in 1409 he had been studying the art of arms for 50 years, based on the fact that nobility generally began instruction in the martial arts around the age of ten. See Mondschein, p 11. The death date listed assumes that the story about his activities in Paris is correct; see note 27, below.
  2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 Fiore de'i Liberi. Fior di Battaglia [manuscript]. MS M.383. New York City: Morgan Library & Museum, ca. 1400. ff 1r-2r.
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Fiore de'i Liberi. Fior di Battaglia [manuscript]. MS Ludwig XV 13 (ACNO 83.MR.183). Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, ca. 1400. ff 1r-2r.
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 Fiore de'i Liberi. Flos Duellatorum [manuscript]. Pisani Dossi MS. Italy: Private Collection, 1409. f 1rv.
  5. He is never given such a surname in any contemporary records of his life, and the term only appears when introducing his family in his own treatises.
  6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 Mondschein, p 11.
  7. Howe, Russ. “Fiore dei Liberi: Origins and Motivations”. Journal of Western Martial Art. Electronic Journals of Martial Arts and Sciences, 2008. Retrieved 2012-02-08.
  8. Giusto Fontanini. Della Eloquenza italiana di monsignor Giusto Fontanini, vol. 3 (in Italian). R. Bernabò, 1736. pp 274-276.
  9. Gian Guiseppe Liruti. Notizie delle vite ed opere scritte da' letterati del Friuli, vol. 4 (in Italian). Alvisopoli, 1830. p 27.
  10. Novati, pp 15-16.
  11. Malipiero, p 80.
  12. “PIERO DEL VERDE (Paolo del Verde) Tedesco. Signore di Colle di Val d’Elsa.”. Note biografiche di Capitani di Guerra e di Condottieri di Ventura operanti in Italia nel 1330 - 1550. Retrieved 2012-02-08.
  13. Leoni, p 7.
  14. 14.0 14.1 “GALEAZZO DA MANTOVA (Galeazzo Cattaneo dei Grumelli, Galeazzo Gonzaga) Di Mantova. Secondo alcune fonti, di Grumello nel pavese.”. Note biografiche di Capitani di Guerra e di Condottieri di Ventura operanti in Italia nel 1330 - 1550. Retrieved 2012-02-08.
  15. “LANCILLOTTO BECCARIA (Lanciarotto Beccaria) Di Pavia. Ghibellino. Signore di Serravalle Scrivia, Casei Gerola, Bassignana, Novi Ligure, Voghera, Broni.”. Note biografiche di Capitani di Guerra e di Condottieri di Ventura operanti in Italia nel 1330 - 1550. Retrieved 2012-02-08.
  16. 16.0 16.1 Malipiero, pp 94-96.
  17. Fiore his masters and his students. Hans Talhoffer ~ as seen by Jens P. Kleinau. Retrieved 2013-05-08.
  18. This is the only point when both men are known to have been in Perugia at the same time; Verde died soon after this in 1385. See Fiore his masters and his students. Hans Talhoffer ~ as seen by Jens P. Kleinau. in English and “PIERO DEL VERDE (Paolo del Verde) Tedesco. Signore di Colle di Val d’Elsa.”. and “PIETRO DELLA CORONA (Pietro Cornuald) Tedesco. Signore di Angri.”. Note biografiche di Capitani di Guerra e di Condottieri di Ventura operanti in Italia nel 1330 - 1550. in Italian. Retrieved 2013-05-08.
  19. Malipiero, p 85.
  20. 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 Easton, Matt. “Fiore dei Liberi - Fiore di Battaglia - Flos Duellatorum”. London: Schola Gladiatoria, 2009. Retrieved 2012-02-08.
  21. Malipiero, pp 85-88.
  22. Malipiero, pp 55-58.
  23. 23.0 23.1 Mondschein, p 12.
  24. Malipiero, p 97.
  25. Fiore states in the preface to the Pisani Dossi MS that he had studied combat for fifty years, whereas the comparable statement in the MS M.383 and MS Ludwig.XV.13 mention the slightly shorter "forty years and more".
  26. Zanutto, pp 211-212.
  27. In 1907, fencing master C. A. Blengini di Torricella mentioned that “In 1904, a historical work by Francesco Novati, Director of the Academy in Milano and Gaffuri, Director of the graphical institute in Bergamo was published… These two prominent scholars uncovered documents, found in different archives, …Rules for Fencing were printed by Fiore dei Liberi in 1420… And how could then dei Liberi have taught fencing lessons in Paris in 1418?” (translated from Norwegian by Roger Norling). See Blengini, di Torricella C. A. Haandbog i Fægtning med Floret, Kaarde, Sabel, Forsvar med Sabel mod Bajonet og Sabelhugning tilhest: Med forklarende Tegninger og en Oversigt over Fægtekunstens Historie og Udvikling. 1907. p 28.[Full citation needed]
  28. The Codex LXXXIV (or MS 84) consisted of 58 folia bound in leather with a clasp, and whose first page showed a white eagle and two helmets; the Codex CX (or MS 110) was a small, unbound volume consisting of only 15 folia. See Novati, pp 29-30. It is conceivable that one of the four extant versions is the MS 84, but no evidence in support of this proposition has yet surfaced.
  29. Note: pectora is plural, perhaps meant to indicate both halves of the chest.
  30. refers to elbow 'cubitum' or fist 'pugnum'
  31. Or “I put to the test where I would at once bend you back acutely.”
  32. Added later: "vel probabo(?)".
  33. Or “I will not be deceived while breaking the left shoulder.”
  34. Or possibly “weighed”.
  35. Added later: "~ ut".
  36. Written as segnodo, but with a mark that seems to indicate the letters should be switched.
  37. "lo" appears twice, but neither is struck out.
  38. N.B. “I will enter” begins the fourth line in the Latin. It was moved to fit English sentence structure.
  39. Variant of "namque".
  40. This is read as a corrected error, in which the scribe began to write aufa, crossed out the 'a', continued the 're' and used the 'er' abbreviation above the incorrect letter.
  41. There's a marginal note that's hard to interpret: "n p o" or perhaps "R P O".
  42. "vidi" appears twice, but neither is struck out.
  43. Fiore literally says “will be marked”.
  44. Fiore literally says “defend yourself”.
  45. Literally “trident”, perhaps referring to the three striking surfaces of the weapon’s head (axe or hammer, hook, and spear point).
  46. Added later: "quisquam".
  47. Corrected from "e" to "i".
  48. Marginal note: "+ ecce".
  49. The text says "a doii mane cum la spada" with symbols next to "a" and "cum" apparently indicating that it should move. Since "cum a doii mane" makes no sense, I've moved the whole phrase "cum la spada".
  50. This may be an error for fascis.
  51. Literally “I am made with a short right arm”.
  52. Literally “We do not have stability.”
  53. Added later: "scilicet subito".
  54. Word partially effaced.
  55. Added later: "+ tibi".
  56. “Presa” means a hold, a grip or a grapple.
  57. We are translating 'captura' as 'the taking' or 'the takings'. Other possible contexts for this word in Latin are from hunting (captura=prey, the fishing catch, the bag of animals brought in) or from economics, in which 'captura' refers to ill-gotten or immorally gained profits.
  58. Fiore actually writes that this grappling move is “better than the others”, but gives us no clue as to what the “others” are.
  59. As in full of holes.
  60. I believe this is not an apology for the poleaxe itself but an apology for showing the dirty trick of the corrosive powder. As such it should really be placed higher up.
  61. "intorno" appears twice, but neither is struck out.
  62. “Titimallo” refers to a plant named spurge, genus Euphorbia. Used in medieval medicine as a laxative, spurge has a poisonous milky white latex-like sap. For more information, see "Pollaxe in Armour" by Matt Easton and "Being wrong can lead to wonderful things" by Guy Windsor.
  63. Tom Leoni notes that this is a flower also used to create a powder commonly used as makeup. It had a swelling effect on the skin.
  64. Telum refers specifically to a distance weapon, which can include any of the following: missile weapon, dart, shaft, spear, javelin, sword, axe, sunbeam, lightning (the last two are the specific province of Jove)
  65. Enjambment bracket
  66. Enjambment bracket
  67. Enjambment bracket
  68. Word partially effaced.
  69. Added later: "…trare".
  70. Possibly “pulsating/throbbing teeth”.
  71. contraria is the most common term marked with a + in this text.
  72. This verse has a bracket shape to its right that encloses the second line and the space below it, similar to an enjambment bracket.
  73. Fiore actually writes “When the opponent attacks…” But the guard must be assumed before the attack, not during it.
  74. Changed from "o" to "i".
  75. A tiny note (M, perhaps) may have been removed above “agitando”.
  76. Probably meant to be "de si".
  77. Corrected from "e" to "i".
  78. Added later: "+ hoc ego".
  79. Corrected from "e" to "l".
  80. Added later: "nomen properum". Partially obliterated
  81. Added later: "nomen properum".
  82. Added later: "de fresne".
  83. To the right of the first two lines, there appear to be three lines of smudgy pencil (most likely M or F), but nothing specific can be made out.
  84. Added later: "matreque?".
  85. Added later: "four words that might be latin".
  86. There is no enjambment bracket, but grammar and syntax led to enjambment in the translation.
  87. Or “the precaution of the proud master moves me”.
  88. "e" changed to "r".
  89. Possibly "maestum"
  90. Enjambment bracket
  91. Added later: "reparer renouvelir".
  92. Note that in the Morgan, this octave is used to introduce the spear, but a very similar sestet is used in the Pisani Dossi to introduce the mounted fencing. They are included here in the mounted section rather t han the spear because the Pisani Dossi has a separate introduction for the spear.
  93. Fiore means that the text of 41r-a actually applies to the drawing at 41r-b (i.e. the drawing to the right, who is the rider winning the engagement, hence the “Re” [King]). I assume this was an error by the scribe. I've expanded the line so that it is comprehensible.
  94. The abbreviation a for "persona" isn't attested in Capelli, but he does list ꝑam for "personam", which is close enough. Morgan has ꝑsona.
  95. The second line has been over-written to darken worn-away letters. If there were annotations, they have not survived.
  96. This pair of verses has a bracket at the end, which has been posited as indicating enjambment of the lines by Mondschein. As there is clearly a period at the end of the first line, this cannot be the case here.
  97. Depending on the interpretation of the final abbreviation, the last line may be read in different ways; the final verb might be perdet (loses), raedet (pillages), or prodet (thrusts forward). We have chosen the last of these as it is least specific to whether the lance in question is winning or losing the fight, which is unclear from the rest of the verse.
  98. Up to this point, the text is partially effaced.
  99. Corrected from "e" to "o".
  100. Added later: "ego".
  101. Added later: "de la pointe".
  102. Added later: "remoror [!] jaculum".
  103. The translator appears to be using 'stringere-refringere' as a pair, as both words are associated with defending and attacking fortified gates, for rhetorical effect; however, English doesn't have a good oppositional pair that also conveys the meanings of the words.
  104. Added later: "eqqus". Probably meant to be “equus”, but the two q’s are fairly clear.
  105. Corrected from "a" to "e".
  106. This word was obliterated somehow (“et” and “cesura” both show uncorrected damage) but has been written over by a later hand in similarly-colored ink. Further, someone has tried to write something above it, perhaps a French equivalent—the superscript is unreadable, but the second word, above cuspide, appears to end in “te” and could be “pointe”. The superscript above “acute” may have been in the D1 or F hand, but not enough is clear. There may have been a superscript above mucronem that was erased, although the remaining strokes look like they may have suffered the same damage as the rest of the page. None of the superscripts are clear enough to certainly identify the hands.
  107. A bracket, similar to the enjambment bracket, hangs off the last line.
  108. "ue" is mostly effaced.
  109. Enjambment bracket
  110. Supposing cuspide means sword and not point, ense could mean something other than sword, such as “sword technique” or “sword position”.
  111. We believe this is "vulnerare" but the condition of the page has elided an abbreviation mark.
  112. There is an erasure above “cervice”, but we were not able to discern any letters.
  113. Enjambment bracket
  114. Rebecca notes: small words like et or hoc may be left out in order to shape it into something like meter.
  115. Enjambment bracket
  116. I’ve expanded this sentence so that it makes more sense.
  117. This paragraph is written with a wedge-shaped gap in the text. This might be a coincidence, or it might indicate that the manuscript being copied had the text flowing around the sword of the player (as is done on the next page), and the scribe assumed that would be the case here as well.
  118. This paragraph is partially effaced and hard to read.
  119. Fiore actually writes “Then I pass from my quick cover” but the words make no sense, since he is not in a cover but has just hit his opponent in the face with a pommel strike. I’ve altered it to give it more sense.
  120. Added later: "te juc g???et".
  121. Added later: "de la poignee".
  122. There is no enjambment bracket, but the punctuation and text indicate it.
  123. Note the switch from “he” to “you”. This is something Fiore does quite a lot.
  124. Abrazare comes from “A brazi”—“with the arms”.
  125. Added later: “??eeu vit”. Could this be “heeume”, misspelling of “heaume”, old french for “helmet”? There are certainly letters beginning above the g in “galea” and reaching to above the e in “prensum”, but we can’t make out enough to guess further. If the latter word is meant to be “heaume”, this must be hand F.
  126. Enjambment bracket
  127. Literally "ē", which would be read as "en", but in context it seems to make more sense as è, a conjugation of essere.
  128. There is a marginal notation to the right of the verse beginning with +. The marginal note seems likely to be hand F, but the + may be from one of the Latin hands. My best guess: ??a??e tram ? perm
  129. Enjambment bracket
  130. We have rendered per terram as “to the ground” rather than “through the ground”.
  131. Added later: "pro tui".
  132. Added later: "scilicet".
  133. or 'Si pargere', but Rebecca says there is a scribal practice for separating the first letter of a line in this manner.
  134. Enjambment bracket
  135. I’ve removed the redundant repetition.
  136. Petto means chest but no part of a horse is named the “chest”, so I changed this to “shoulders” which refers to the area of the horse Fiore is talking about that would ram the opponent’s horse.
  137. The “groppa” means the crupper, which refers to the horse’s hind quarters.
  138. Corrected from "i"; probably intended to be a "u", but looks like an "a".
  139. Added later: "eqquus".
  140. Added later: "te mordé de\per bride".
  141. According to Cappelli, p. 257
  142. Probably laedere
  143. Possible scribal flourish
  144. Overwritten and difficult to decipher.
  145. Written over a previously-effaced word that can't be deciphered.
  146. This word was the source of considerable trouble. We initially assumed, as others have, that it denoted that Fiore was deceased when the manuscript was prepared (quondam Florius, “the late Fiore”). However, further research on the word (which seemed merited since it could indicate a significant biographical fact) indicated that such a reading was simply not possible for most examples of the word in Medieval literature, e.g. “ubi quondam Deus” is probably not seeking to describe a deceased God. In fact, “quondam” is generally an adverb rather than a quasi-adjective, and some dictionaries, such as Lewis & Short, specify that it only has the meaning of “the late” if the person it is applied to is deceased. Rather than becoming trapped in a loop of circular reasoning (assuming Fiore is deceased and translating quondam that way, and then concluding that Fiore is deceased due to the translation of quondam), we interpreted the word in its more normal adverbial sense and applied it to “edidit”. For more definitions of quondam, see the entries in Logeion: http://logeion.uchicago.edu/index.html#quondam